Crush the Trump counter-revolution! Down with the Ishiba Government! Rise up for a great anti-war struggle to stop Aggressive War on China!
Make a great leap of JRCL-NC for the victory of Anti-Imperialist Anti-Stalinist World Revolution through the overthrow of Japanese Imperialism as our initial task!

Preface

The year 2025 has opened up in the midst of ripening and intensification of revolutionary situation at the fullest speed in the whole world. In Korea, President Yoon Suk Yeol’s declaration of martial law provoked a fresh start of a great explosion of protest actions headed by the general strike of Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU) with the participation of a million of young workers and students in political uprising. A series of serious political affairs is taking place before and after the re-election of Trump as US president, such as a bitter defeat of the Japanese ruling party in the general election, the collapse of the German coalition government, non-confidante resolution of French government (for the first time in 62 years), an explosion of struggle to crush Yoon Suk Yeol and in Korea, the downfall of Syrian Assad regime etc. Now the existing system of political rule is breaking down in the center of imperialism as well as in the focus areas of the contradictions of the post-war world system one after another.
The start of the second Trump administration in January will inevitably not only accelerate the US war drive on China and world war mobilization with all of its power, but also sharpen class conflict and class antagonism. It will all result in further development of revolutionary situation all over the world. Stalinism, on the other hand, which, under the banner of “communism”, had abandoned world revolution and put the construction of socialism in one country as its aim in itself on the condition of the survival of imperialism, has finally faced the last stage of its bankruptcy and collapse one hundred years since its open appearance in autumn in 1924, when Stalin declared the doctrine of “socialism in one country” for the first time. Chinese Stalinism under Xi Jinping regime is now completely at a deadlock in the midst of military confrontation with imperialism, a way of anti-people counter-measure, with serious contradiction at home and economic crisis.
Now we are in the midst of a genuine world revolutionary situation. The time has come to carry out proletarian world revolution under the banner of Anti-Imperialism, Anti-Stalinism. Objective condition for the revolution is ripe, indeed overripe. It needs, however, the subject to turn the revolutionary situation into revolution. All depends upon the formation of a class as the subject of revolution and the great advance of a revolutionary party armed with steadfast will to achieve revolution. Fully aware of this task, JRCL-NC has determined to go into the battle in 2025 to crush Trump counter-revolution, to overthrow Ishiba government and to prevent aggressive war on China.
Immediately after the outbreak of the First World War, Lenin cited in his Note on Imperialism the following appeal published in the August 5, 1914 issue of a women’s magazine Gleichheit (Equality), edited by Clara Zetkin, one of the leftists of the then German Social-Democratic Party:
“The revolutionary energy and passion of their struggle will mean persecution. There will be danger, there will be sacrifices. But should that daunt us? There are moments in the life of individuals and of nations when it is only possible to win by staking everything. Such a moment has come. Proletarian women, be prepared!”
We, JRCL-NC, heartfelt call on all the comrades, the whole working class and people to rise up together with us, armed with the war-time spirit as mentioned above, by this New Years’ Appeal of the Politburo.

Ⅰ. The year 2024 has opened up a new stage of class struggle through carrying out direct actions with determination for an advance of the party

(1) Growth of our ranks on the principle decided by the 9th congress and 33rd GA of the central committee
The whole process of the decisive battle of 2024, which climbed up until November 3 All-out National Workers Rally with three thousand participants, was a strategic leap of JRCL-NC as a revolutionary party in war time. We have confirmed on the eighth Party congress held in February 2022 to rise up for a general mobilization of anti-war struggle per se as a basic party line and to wage the decisive battle of Sanrizuka farmers’ struggle to defend their farmland from the confiscation, the struggle in May to crush the G7 summit meeting in Hiroshima and held in summer the 31st general assembly of the central committee, in which we reconfirmed the major significance of the anti-war struggle as a decisive obligation of each party member to be engaged whole-heartedly and unconditionally, rejecting categorically a tendency to put workplace struggle as opposed to the anti-war struggle. “Anti-war struggle=struggle against imperialism is the primary duty of the party” has been published in the JRCL’s quarterly review The Communist (No.217). Thus, a great general mobilization for the November 3 All-out National Workers Rally has been launched.
Immediately after that, the historical uprising of the Palestinian people centering around Hamas, Islamic resistance organization, was carried out on October 7. We declared our firm support of this resolute struggle and achieved November 19 Rally to demonstrate our solidarity with Palestinian liberation struggle. Based on this vigorous development, we have declared “Re-establishment of the political line of July 7 (7-7 line) in today’s world” and in the ninth National Congress in February, adopted the strategic slogan: “Turn Aggressive War into a Civil War, in Solidarity with Fighting Asian People!” This slogan is the one and same with the clarification of “The US-Japanese Imperialist War of Aggression on China and the Task of Revolutionary Communists” (and also of theoretical stand point on Ukrainian war and political line of solidarity with Palestinian people) in the second report of the 9th Congress.
In face of the actual political development of the wars and expanding imperialist propaganda of national defense , those who are scared with the political phase of revolutionary action have dropped off from our party. All those political elements are now condemning one-sidedly Russia in case of the Ukrainian war and defending and supporting imperialists and their spearhead, Zelensky regime and in case of Palestine, they blamed “also Hamas’s extreme attack” and thus became de facto advocates of imperialism and Israel.
In stark contrast to these forces, we have been energetically waging revolutionary propaganda, agitation and organizing of working class people, based upon the fundamental understanding of today’s world as the system dominated by imperialism and Stalinism and continued strenuous efforts of analyzing the actual development in the spirit of converting the change of objective situation into the change on the side of subject.
Thus, our battle in 2024 has succeeded in producing decisively a new stage of the anti-war struggle per se: it means that, in the first place, our anti-war struggle is not a peace movement, which remains in speaking about war only in abstract and general terms, or dispute that “there could be actually no war between the US and China”. Our anti-war struggle means a movement to actually prevent the aggressive war on China and will inevitably develop into a face-to-face confrontation with the state power and a struggle to turn aggression into a civil war in proletarian solidarity. What has been proven through our anti-war struggle is, secondly, that such anti-war struggle is genuinely and widely shared by working class, especially young people, students and women and has the power to mobilize them and bring forth their fighting power. It has been symbolically demonstrated by the participation of 3,000 people in November 3 National Workers’ All-out Rally, especially by the remarkable growth of the Zengakuren students’ mobilization almost 1.5 bigger than last year, reaching one and a half hundred. Now in every region and district, industrial and other spheres, we can witness a growing numbers of new party members, activists, especially belonging to the younger generation. With Zengakuren at the forefront, a new perspective is opening up for the enlarging rank of struggle.
Looking back our struggle of 2024, which was fought before and after the ninth Party Congress and the unlawful arrest of five comrades under Boshoho (Act on Punishment of Physical Violence and Others of 1926) on the Hiroshima struggle last year, we waged a powerful demonstration in Shinjuku on February 24 in commemoration of the start of the war in Ukraine in which Zengakuren students marched through the crowded downtown street arm-in-arm with white helmets. This militant action drew attention of young passersby and a significant number of them joined the demonstration, many of them being in preparation for the entrance examination. This struggle was followed by the March 8 International Women’s Day action, March 11 Anti-nuclear power plant Fukushima Action, also with a lot of fresh participants, April 28 Okinawa Day struggle with new students who made eloquent speeches, which ignited the militant street action, overwhelming downtown Shibuya. In line with this massive mobilization, a series of rallies and demonstrations took place, re-starting from May Okinawa actions and succeeded by June-July struggles, always appealing to broader masses on the street. Thus, the Grand March against Constitutional Revision and War has been vigorously launched as a powerful mass mobilization against the aggressive war on China and a new process has started to build the broad participants into new organizers.

Victory of Okinawa and Hiroshima struggles
Among others, it should be noted that the following struggles were resolutely and successfully carried out in Okinawa and in Hiroshima: on May 15, the attempt of bringing in the earth and sands for the construction of new military base in Henoko, Okinawa, was prevented by protest action; on August 6 in Hiroshima commemoration rally in front of the A-bomb Dome was forcefully carried out, fighting back the entrance prohibition order into the Peace Park by the municipal authorities through all-night sit-down action. These struggles have fully exemplified the significance and validity of our efforts of “converting the change of objective situation into the change on the side of subject” and proved that the power to stop war and to change the world is here. Above all August 6 Hiroshima struggle, Hiroshima Grand Action Organizing Committee and Zengakuren, combined with workers who waged dozens of strikes since the year before, have joined in resolute battles, undaunted by arrest and suppression, in solidarity with the struggles of five comrades in prison, and have played a decisive role of driving force for future development of our struggle.
Based on these developments, we, JRCL-NC, declared “to expand our achievement of August 6 Hiroshima struggle nation-wide” on our 33rd GA of the National Committee and carried out anti-military base struggle in Nerima on September 1, in Yokosuka on September 22 and in Yokota on October 27. On the one year anniversary of October 7 Palestinian Uprising, we organized a protest action in front of the Israeli Embassy and a street demonstration in Shinjuku, in which a largest number of participants in these years, young people, students and women, showed up their fresh militancy and have rapidly grown up into earnest organizer of November 3 National Workers All-out Rally. Our struggle has definitely manifested that solidarity struggle with Palestinian people is not a rescue movement of “pitiful people” but a forceful battle against imperialist regimes of our own country in solidarity with the daily life-or-death struggle of Palestinian people.
With an imminent task of mobilizing for November 3 National Workers All-out Rally in view, confronting a series of elections—the presidential election of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party of Japan (LDP), and the succeeding dissolution of the Diet and the general election, the US presidential election— and US-Japan joint exercise Keen Sword 24 for an aggressive war on China, our anti-war struggle has been fought through as active engagement in a political struggle against Japan Communist Party (JCP), which suffered a terrible defeat in the general election, in which it neglected to raise a resolute position against war, and as a result a tendency has begun within this party to make departure and find a way of activity with our ant-war struggle. Simultaneously, a faction called EL5, self-proclaimed “Northeastern Regional Committee of JRCL” dropped off from JRCL-NC, opposing our ant-war struggle in fear of violent confrontation with the state power. We have successfully crushed its reactionary attempt to interfere in our anti-war activities.
Our struggle for the revitalization of anti-war struggle as political struggle with the clear aim of overthrowing imperialism and gaining the political power has been carried out through organizing mass forceful movement in this way.

⑵ A new advance of November Worker’s Rally Movement with the three militant labor unions at the forefront
Another important point in 2024 is that the three militant labor unions, initiators of November Workers Rally Movement, namely, Solidarity Union of Japan Construction and Transport Workers Kansai Area Branch (Kan-Nama), Metal and Machinery Workers’ Union in Osaka (Minato-Godo) and National Railway Motive Power Union of Chiba (Doro-Chiba) have stood at the head of the struggle against the attack of totally destroying labor union organizations by the Japanese imperialist state power and capital and to defend and promote class struggle labor movement which promote anti-war struggle in the war-time.
Minato-Godo, which struck just after the November Rally last year, confronted with the attack by bankruptcy and dismissal of workers through the application of Civil Rehabilitation Law (Japanese equivalent of US Chapter 11), an assault to eliminate labor organizations like the Division and Privatization National Railways (in 1987). In June last year, the prosecution demanded “10-year prison term” for President Yukawa of Kan-Nama, an outrageous oppression for dismantling industrial labor movement. strangulation of very labor union.
In the trial on the case of 1,047 dismissed national railway workers of Doro-Sorengo, who demand the withdrawal of their unjust discharge as unfair labor practices by the state, as a result of the Division and Privatization National Railways, the Tokyo District Court pronounced on November 13 a reactionary judgement, which violently rejected the arguments of the plaintiffs. Added to these attacks, a state power oppression was forced upon the anti-war, anti-nuke movement by waging ex post fact arrests of five activists in charge of unproved “violent action” at the August 6 Hiroshima Day Rally in 2023. This outrageous state oppression, at the same time, targets militant labor unions who have been making efforts to organize November Rally Movement together with the above-mentioned three unions.
Thus, the year 2024 has brought forth an urgent task of revolutionary party to defend and develop class struggle labor movement represented by the three militant unions in decisive confrontation with the state power repression.
JRCL-NC has clearly grasped such challenges on the 9th Party Congress and 33rd GA of National Committee and launched resolute counter-offensive together with the three unions. This marked a leap forward of the party and working class.
Doro-Chiba declared a clear determination to “fight annual Spring Labor Offensive in the war-time as anti-war Spring Labor Offensive with eruption of anger against destruction of life and war” (Statement of Michitoshi Seki, president of Doro-Chiba) and waged strike to oppose the unreasonable change of timetables, planned by Japan Railway Companies (JRs) capital, which aims at extreme intensification of labor, destruction of rail safety, abolition of rural lines and military utilization of railways. This was followed by the “spring storm” actions by Nara Teachers Union and other militant struggles, producing a historical Spring Labor Offensive. Class struggle is experiencing a new phase by this revival of strikes.
It has become evident that the real advance of class struggle labor movement in war-time is impossible without the close relation between the revolutionary party and the labor unions. Organizing activities by a revolutionary party for defense of class struggle labor movement, strikes and anti-war actions in workplaces combined with conscious efforts of constructing workplace party cells as well as local committees of party can develop the capability of establishing proletarian dictatorship within working class. This can be called as the organizational principle of proletarian revolution gained through the whole trying process since the Russian Revolution in 1917. A revolutionary party is neither a grouping of closed circles distant from real fierce class struggle, nor a gathering of labor union activists, whose activities are limited only in the sphere admitted by the corrupt officials of Rengo or Zenroren, established labor unions. Such concept of party construction, as produced by Kakumaru and EL5, is nothing but a counter-revolutionary obstacle to the real development of the struggle of working class.
The three militant labor unions and November Rally Movement are the treasure and driving forces of Japanese working class. We, JRCL-NC, pledge here to dedicate all of our power for their defense and development.

Release of the Hiroshima Five
In the violent confrontation against the state power, the struggle against the repression in the name of maintaining public order has increased its significance in the war-time class struggle.
The Tokyo District Court sentenced in December 2023, 20 years imprisonment to Comrade Masaaki Osaka, who had fought the struggle of November 14 Shibuya Riot (against the ratification of the Okinawa Reversion Agreement) in 1971 together with the late Comrade Fumiaki Hoshino. This outrageous ultra-reactionary judgement is a state power offensive to destroy the revolutionary party and counter-revolutionary measure to prevent combination of revolutionary party with working class people with an aim of paving way for aggressive war of Japanese imperialism on China. To fight back this ferocious assault, the struggle to expose the whole story of frame-up of the unyielding Comrade Osaka lies on the forefront. The protest demonstration surrounding the Tokyo Detention Center on November 23 and the succeeding national rally on the next day have shown a new dimension of this struggle.
Remarkable victory has finally been achieved in getting back unjustly arrested five comrades in Hiroshima struggle as a result of strenuous efforts culminated in the on-the-spot protest action in Hiroshima on December 6 with slogan, “Crush the oppression under the Act on Punishment of Physical Violence and Others (legislated in 1926, before World War II), Get back five comrades from the jail by the end of this year” with families of the 5 comrades. Let’s go forward to the victory in the court and to complete crush of the assault by the above-mentioned act. Let’s fight to win the appeal’s court struggle Comrade Osaka and to defend and get back Comrade Taketoshi Suga, who is fighting in the prison against the framed-up case in the battle in 1986.
All through the decisive battle in 2024, a significant number of young people, students and women have appeared on the stage of class struggle as fresh leaders of revolutionary movement. As they are feeling through their own experiences, revolutionary situation means that “the time has come, in which it makes pleasure to thoroughly carry out struggle” (Takeo Shimizu, chair of JRCL-NC). History is formed through a variety of self-emancipating and epoch-making rising up.
Let’s go forward to wage the decisive battle on 2025 with full confidence.

II. Trump’s Reelection Makes Steep Escalation of War Situation Against China, a Revolutionary Situation

(1) The root cause of Trump counter-revolution is US imperialism’s great fall, its crisis of collapse

The situation of the war of aggression against China—a world war—has entered a new stage with Trump’s overwhelming victory in the US presidential election last November, has already intensified and will accelerate further from the very day of his inauguration on January 20. The whole world has been shaken violently since the end of last year, with Trump’s America as the epicenter. How could a person like Trump create a situation that splits American society in two, and return to the highest position of power in America after a civil war-like election campaign? It is because the crisis of collapse caused by the great fall of the US imperialism has crossed the line.
The US economy is said to be “robust” and “strong,” and stock prices continue to rise without limit, led by tech companies such as the “Magnificent Seven (M7),” and words such as “America is the strongest” and “the sole winner” are flying around. However, if we dig inches under this “prosperity,” we see the reality of the serious downfall of US imperialism. The so-called “booming” US economy is supported by the ultra-low interest rate policy and fiscal expansion adopted during the 2008 depression and the 2020-2021 Covid-19 crisis have artificially postponed the burst of the bubble and inflated an even larger bubble. The current US stock market is an even more extreme bubble than that of the Golden Twenties just before the Great Depression of 1929, when the market was intoxicated by the illusion of eternal bull market. Now, burdened with astronomical debts, even when the bubble finally burst, the governments and central banks cannot afford to issue large-scale bailout packages like those in 2008.
Trump has been boasting that he will bring manufacturing back to the United States by higher tariffs; such measures, however, will never revive the industry. What it will bring is galloping import inflation, the spread of protectionism, the irreversible contraction and fragmentation of the world economy, and the intensification of the great depression. Trump has declared that he would impose a 10% additional tariff (60% in his presidential campaign pledge!) on almost all imports from China, and a 25% tariff on all imports from Mexico and Canada, the first and third largest exporters to the U.S., from the first day of his presidency. This is a repetition of the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930 that decisively deteriorated the 1929 Depression and led to World War II. In fact, now that the scale of world trade and the interconnectedness of the economies of various countries have developed to a degree that is incomparable to that time, it will inevitably have even more destructive effects.
In the face of this final explosion of depression, the working class people are already in a terrible state of poverty. Historical wartime inflation, pay raises that have not kept up with high prices, and rising mortgage interest rates have made the situation even worse, with extremely high medical costs, low welfare, dismantling of social security, and the termination of Covid-19 benefits. The poverty rate is now exceeding 11%. The world’s largest medical expenses only enrich the huge medical and pharmaceutical companies, and the country has suffered the worst death toll in the world with 1.2 million deaths during the COVID-19 pandemic, and its average life expectancy is 48th in the world, the lowest among the developed countries. In addition, there are 100,000 drug overdose deaths per year, gun crimes are so rampant that more than 40,000 people die each year out of 400 million guns in circulation, and the number of inmates in the United States has reached 2 million—25% of the world’s prison population.
United States is the only superpower with the world’s largest economy and finance, the latest high-tech, and the strongest military power, but at the same time, it is the world’s largest failed country, impoverished country, and a civil war country.
This is the real picture of the American imperialism in great decline. The reality of the US imperialism, which has reached the end of this extreme neoliberal life extension attempt and its collapse, and on the one hand, the people’s tremendous indignation towards it, erupted as anger at the Democratic Party and Biden-Harris, who expanded this reality, and further (unable to find an exit point without realizing a proletarian revolution), they were drawn into Trump’s pseudo-revolutionary and status quo-destructive promises and fascist and xenophobic incitement. And another crucial thing is the explosion of intense anger against the Israeli genocide in Gaza since October 7, 2022, and the Democratic Party, Biden-Harris, who have consistently supported it and oppressed the anti-war movement in the United States.
What is truly needed in America is definitely not the “restoration of democracy.” The issue is a proletarian revolution that will fundamentally overturn the very basis of capitalism and imperialism in its final stages, when the overwhelming majority of the working people can no longer be fed, and society has collapsed, leaving no choice but to rush into war.

Collision course: revolution and counter-revolution

Trump has pledged to carry out “the largest deportation operation in American history” as soon as he takes office. The number of people considered to be “illegal immigrants” in the United States is 11 million as of 2022, and if we add the 2.3 million who entered the country between 2023 and April 2024, the total exceeds 13.3 million. The military will be mobilized to raid, detain, and deport these people by declaring a national emergency, invoking the Insurrection Act of 1807. This attack is a modern version of the Nazi Hitler’s expulsion and detention of the Jews. It is a civil war from above that will completely change the landscape of American society by mobilizing the military, a great counter-revolutionary coup. A Hitler-like personality like Trump has emerged from the core of the American bourgeoisie, the pivotal country and center of imperialism, and is inciting tremendous xenophobia and trying to carry out a great counter-revolution.
However, it is a mistake to simply equate this Trump counter-revolution with the fascist seizure of power in 1920’s Italy and in 1930s Germany. A fascist regime is established when imperialist class rule collapses, a civil war between revolution and counter-revolution begins, and fascist parties, supported, secretly or openly, by the state power and the bourgeoisie crush working class organizations (parties, labor unions) with counter-revolutionary terrorism, eliminate class struggle, and then seize power. However, the regime of Trump (the Republican Party that has become the Trumpian Party) exists not by seizure of power through a civil war that annihilated working class organizations and movements. The anti-war struggle in solidarity with Gaza and Palestine is still spreading like wildfire, and a new wave of strikes is sweeping from coast to coast. In reality, more than half of the working class people in America are vehemently anti-Trump. The workers will definitely rise up to fight against the terrible xenophobia and coup attempt of a national emergency declaration and the forced deportation of “illegal” immigrants using the military.
With Trump, America is on the eve of a revolutionary civil war, a revolution. The re-emergence of Trump has made obsolete the parliamentary framework of the conflict between the two major bourgeois parties, the Democrats and the Republicans; the American class struggle has finally reached a point where the working class and the capitalist class, revolution and counter-revolution, have no choice but to come to a direct confrontation and finally to settle the matter. Everything depends on the construction of a revolutionary workers’ party in America.

(2) “America First” inter-power rivalry and escalation of the world war situation
Trump is afraid that the anger of the people who has pushed him to the presidency again and their desire to change the status quo will now turn into anger toward himself; he will strive to show the achievements of his administration by any means necessary. This will, however, not bring anything the people really want. In the end, Trump would have no choice but to violently intensify the America First inter-power rivalry against all powers such as China, European countries, and Japan. Needless to say, the biggest target is Chinese Stalinism. Unlike the rivalry between imperialist countries, it will not cease until overthrow of the very regime of Chinese Stalinism; Chinese Stalinism, in turn, will have no choice but to fight back ferociously for the survival of the regime. The irreversible progression of the systemic crisis of US imperialism, its great decline, and the crisis of Chinese Stalinism itself will intensify the conflict between them irreconcilably, and it is inevitable that the imperialist war of aggression against China, a world war, will be accelerated, with the military confrontation over Taiwan and the South China Sea as the focus.
Trump said, “I’m not going to start a war, I’m going to stop the wars.” However, in term of the Middle East, this means that he will thoroughly support Israel until it achieves what Netanyahu calls a “total victory,” that is, the complete dissolution of the Palestinian people’s war of national liberation, which has been fighting indomitable since the October 7 uprising. In fact, Netanyahu, who has been cornered by international condemnation of the Gaza genocide as well as growing domestic discontent and anger, is now emboldened by Trump’s reelection and is intensifying his attacks on Lebanon’s Hezbollah, which is responding to the resistance struggle in Gaza, and even after the ceasefire on November 27 last year, he is continuing intermittent air strikes on the pretext of “Hezbollah’s violation of the ceasefire,” aiming to further expand his invasion of Lebanon.
Meanwhile, the situation of the Syrian civil war has also changed dramatically. Russia, the Assad regime’s biggest backer, lost its ability to intervene in Syria due to the Ukraine war, and while Hezbollah, which had supported Assad, was also weakened, the opposition group Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) launched an offensive and brought down the Assad regime in one fell swoop. The drastic decline of US imperialism and the retreat of its world dominance began decisively in Afghanistan, Iraq, and the Middle East, and is now intensifying the international civil war situation throughout the Middle East. In the midst of this, US imperialist Trump agreed with Netanyahu that Israel needed to “complete its victory.” Trump, who is putting all his efforts into the aggressive war against China, is trying to fully entrust the reorganization of the collapsed Middle East dominance of US to Israel’s Netanyahu’s brutal Gaza genocide and the endless expansion of their aggression against Palestine. This will create an international civil war and grave war situation in the entire Middle East, further accelerating the crisis of US imperialism.

Aim of the ceasefire in Ukraine

Regarding the Ukraine war, Trump has boasted that he would end the war “within 24 hours of inauguration,” and has already met and interacted with Zelensky, NATO member states including France and Russia’s Putin, toward a “ceasefire.” Trump’s goal is to end the Ukraine war and concentrate all of the US imperialist forces on the war against China, having determined that weakening of Russia has progressed considerably as a result of US offering a large number of weapons and funds to Ukraine and forcing it into a three-year war. In short, with the “Ukrainian ceasefire,” they are trying to enter a new phase of the aggressive war against China.
Both Ukraine and Russia are already extremely exhausted from the prolonged war of attrition, and it is reported that the number of deserters in the Ukrainian army has reached a total of 200,000. On the other hand, according to an analysis by the US Department of Defense, the Russian army has suffered more than 700,000 casualties since the start of the war, and has suffered more than 1,000 casualties per day in the past few months, and is in a situation where it has no choice but to ask North Korea for not only ammunition but also reinforcements. Furthermore, Russia is facing serious labor shortages due to conscription and the flight of draft-evading young people and soldiers overseas, rising war costs, import restrictions due to sanctions, and rising prices due to the fall of the currency. Nearly three years have passed since the start of the war; the patience of the workers and people in both Ukraine and Russia has reached its limit, and no one knows when their anger will explode.
Trump is taking advantage of this situation to orchestrate a “ceasefire,” but this will only turn the gears of history toward an even bigger war, an aggressive war against China, a world war, a nuclear war. This is why the struggle against war in Ukraine must be carried out as a crucial part of the anti-war struggle to prevent the war against China, and as a struggle to overthrow imperialism and Stalinism.

(3) The systemic crisis of Chinese Stalinism progresses in tandem with the crisis of imperialism

The systemic crisis of Chinese Stalinism is progressing more violently than that of US imperialism. Chinese Stalinism, which survived and became a great power by integrating with the imperialist economy, is inextricably linked to imperialism; the crisis of the former is inseparable from the latter. In fact, immediately after the 2008 great depression, China’s huge economic stimulus maintained a growth rate of around 10%, and it also played a role in supporting the imperialist world economy. This development, however, intensified contradictions such as the excess production capacity and the excessive debts in real estate and construction companies, and the growth rate continued to decline. Then, the Covid-19 crisis and the bankruptcy of the zero-Covid policy, the collapse of the real estate bubble, the US trade war and semiconductor regulations came one after another together with the US military pressure—imminent U.S. aggressive war against China—all of which have been decisively aggravating Chinese Stalinism’s crisis.
On the other hand, the increasingly extreme discrepancy between the rich and the poor is very similar in two countries, the U.S. and China. As of January 2023, there were 3,112 people in the world who were classified as “ultra-rich,” with China having the most by country (969 people, surpassing the United States’ 691 people) (data published by a Chinese private think tank in March 2023). According to another Chinese survey, there are approximately 4.6 million super-rich people with average assets of $8.7 million (approximately 1.25 billion yen), accounting for 67% of the total assets in China. There are 99 million wealthy people with average assets of $165,000 (approximately 23.8 million yen), accounting for 26% of the total assets. The remaining 1.3 billion people have average assets of $3,300 (about 480,000 yen), accounting for only 7% of the total assets. Social welfare expenditures such as medical care, pensions, and education account for only 6.5% of the GDP, far below the average of 21.6% for the 38 OECD members (developed 38 countries). In this Chinese reality, there is no sign of “socialism” or the “common prosperity” that Xi Jinping touted in 2021, and the magma of dissatisfaction and anger of the working people has accumulated to the depths of society. This growing anger and despair that has long been violently contained is now erupting in the form of crimes similar to random killings in imperialist countries.
Seventy six years after the 1949 Chinese Revolution and after more than 30 years of steep growth, China’s Stalinist regime has suddenly entered a period of decline and is facing a crisis of collapse amid an explosion of domestic contradictions worse than those seen in the late USSR and military pressure from imperialism. That is why Xi Jinping has revealed himself as a dictatorial leader in the style of Stalin/Mao—a classical Stalinist, putting forward nationalist slogans such as “The Chinese Dream,” “The great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation,” and “Reunification of the motherland (Reunification with Taiwan)” and strengthening his rule by revising the anti-espionage law and exposing corrupt military officials, desperately fighting against the US led containment, encirclement and pressure and aggressive war to seize Taiwan.
Essentially and fundamentally, Stalinism is subjugation to imperialism by abandoning world revolution. However, it has aggressiveness and proactiveness to do whatever necessary in order to maintain the Stalinist regime and to protect its own power. The US imperialists are thoroughly drawing out this counteractive aggressiveness and proactiveness of Chinese Stalinism, inciting it as the “China threat,” and trying to drag it into war by exerting even stronger military pressure.

(4) Japanese Imperialism, the weakest link, seeks a way forward by rushing into an aggression war against China

Under the Abe, Suga, and Kishida administrations, Japanese Imperialism has been pushing for a major shift in the Japan-US alliance toward an aggressive war against China with all its might. It began with the cabinet decision in 2014 to allow the exercise of the right of collective self-defense and the enactment of the security and war laws in 2015, followed by the revision of the Three Security Documents in 2022 and the strengthening of command and control cooperation—i.e. integration—between the US military and the Japan’s Self-Defense Forces agreed upon at the Japan-US summit in 2024. It has taken 10 years to finally come to the point where a concrete plan for a joint Japan-US operation against China has been formulated and launched. In Okinawa, during this process, the construction of the new military base at Henoko is being pushed forward and the Ryukyu Archipelago has been turned into military fortresses. The Japanese imperialist LDP administration has been pushing ahead with all of this, supported by the total submission and approval of the Rengo and the opposition parties. In spite of this it has not been able to get any transformation or approval in terms of its direct relationship with the working class people. Shinzo Abe, who had been pushing through these policies, was shot to death, and Yoshihide Suga and Fumio Kishida were forced to resign in the end, in the flames of the people’s anger, and the LDP’s rule was finally thrown into a state of crisis in the general election last year.
In these circumstances, the Ishiba government, already in a terminal crisis at the moment of its inception, has been faced with the reappearance of Trump and a looming full-scale aggression on China. Trump’s aggressive war against China means also a fierce “America First” inter-imperialist rivalry against Japan. Japanese imperialism itself is a very target of Trump’s 10% and 20% tariffs. Nippon Steel’s acquisition of US Steel has been opposed and blocked. Like the NATO countries, it is inevitable that the U.S. will demand a further increase in defense spending from Japanese imperialism, force them to purchase large quantities of US weapons, and increase the burden of the US military’s stationing costs in Japan.
Above all, US imperialism and Trump will try to put Taiwan and Japanese imperialism at the forefront of the aggression against China. And no matter how desperate the Japanese Imperialism is, no matter what its relationship with the working class people of Japan is, there is no way for it to survive as an imperialist state other than fully responding to the demands of US imperialism and Trump and actively participating in the war as its own. Japanese Imperialism has lost its “last stronghold” of its economy, the automobile industry, which is now dominated by Chinese electric vehicles (EVs), and Nissan has lost its major profits and has been driven to the point of surviving by merging with Honda. With the control of Rengo and the thorough weakening of labor unions and the labor movement after the division and privatization of the Japan National Railways, the Japanese imperialist economy, which has secured profits for more than 30 years by making non-regular employment and cutting wages, has fallen into a crisis in which it is no longer able to feed its workers, while it has been hit directly by wartime inflation, and is unable anymore to raise war funds through tax increases and plundering the masses. Although the government stated “doubling of defense spending,” in the Three Security Documents, it has been unable to secure the necessary funds. It cannot decide on a tax increase. The Japanese imperialists have hastily launched a government sponsored Spring Labor Offensive—the government, Rengo and capital cooperation, to carry out the government-led “wage increases”. But these attempts have not kept up with inflation at all, and real wages have continued to fall, exacerbating the poverty of the people.
In fact, it is in Japan that the magma of anger of the working people is accumulating more than in the United States, Europe, or Korea. In this situation, it is the ruling class and state power of Japanese imperialism that are most keenly aware of the actuality of civil war if taxes are increased for defense or war is called for. The three major symptoms of a revolutionary situation: 1) “It is impossible for the ruling classes to maintain their rule without any change.” 2) “the suffering and want of the oppressed classes have grown more acute than usual” due to war and soaring prices. 3) “as a consequence of the above causes, there is a considerable increase in the activity of the masses” (signs of this), as is revealed by Lenin in his article, The Collapse of the Second International, will surely cover the entire reality of Japanese society under the situation of an aggressive war against China, which is accelerating with the reemergence of Trump, and the intensification of the Japanese imperialists’ and Ishiba’s desperate attempts to break through the crisis by revision of the Constitution, going to war, and crushing the class struggle.
The year 2025, 80 years after the defeat of Japanese imperialism, is the year of a huge class battle. Let’s fight through this decisive class war as a great anti-war struggle to prevent an aggressive war against China. Just as we rose up last year to the November 3 All-out Workers rally, following the successful August 6 Hiroshima struggle as a historical turning point, the path to victory is to fight for the further development of the anti-war struggle in a mass, powerful and civil war-like character.

III. Imperialists’ entry into the aggressive war against China and the strategy of Anti-Imperialist, Anti-Stalinist World Revolution

As mentioned above, the JRCL established the slogan, “Stop the aggressive war against China,” in its 8th and 9th Congresses, and grasped the anti-war struggle to stop the war on China as the decisive link in the Anti-Imperialist Anti-Stalinist World Revolution. Expanding and developing this anti-war struggle in Japan under the general line of “in solidarity with fighting Asian people, turn aggressive war into a civil war” and further spreading the slogan of “stop the aggressive war against China” to a slogan of the whole working class and whole working people, and making a great explosive anti-war struggle, is the cornerstone of the historical class struggle in 2025, which will create the path to the Japanese revolution, East Asian revolution, and a world revolution.
To achieve this task, it is important to clarify once again today that the aggressive war against China is 1) a literally aggressive war by imperialism, 2) a modern, special form of world war as an eruption of the fundamental contradictions inherent in imperialism, and 3) the anti-war struggle to prevent this must be fought out until a revolution that overthrows imperialism and Stalinism. Here, we would like to clarify point 1 in particular.

(1) Imperialist aggressive war aimed at overthrow of the Chinese Stalinist regime

1) The aggressive war against China is a literally aggressive war by imperialism. So-called “US-China conflict” or “US-China war” must not be understood as a conflict or war between two great equal powers. US and other imperialist countries have overwhelming power in military, economic, and technological fields, and are encircling Chinese Stalinism and exerting tremendous military pressure, in an attempt to collapse the Chinese Stalinist regime just as they did against the USSR. Chinese Stalinism is terrified by such collision course led by US imperialism, which would completely take Taiwan from them and actually overthrow Chinese regime. On the other hand, US imperialists naturally have never dreamed that Chinese Stalinism could attack, invade and occupy part of their country, or overthrow their own capitalist-imperialist regime. Chinese Stalinism is desperately building up its military, including nuclear arms, conducting military activities around Taiwan and in the South China Sea, supporting Russia, and strengthening its economic and political ties with the BRICS countries, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and countries in Africa, the Pacific, and Latin America, all because it wants to make the US and other imperialist abandon the encirclement of China at all costs and give up their aim of overthrowing Chinese regime. Some people see these attempts of Chinese Stalinism could turn modern China into “imperialism.” Furthermore, some people consider China to be “very imperialism,” to which Lenin’s definition of imperialism applies, based on the recent phenomena in Chinese economy such as the existence of giant monopolies in information technology, electric vehicles, semiconductors, electrical appliances, home appliances etc. and huge financial institutions, as well as large-scale foreign investment (capital exports) and the movement to expand its “sphere of influence” in rivalry to the United States. However, these arguments are fundamentally wrong for the following reasons.
First, it is not bourgeoisie that holds political power in China today. It is true that there are huge corporations and super-rich people with enormous assets in modern China, but these are a class that was created as a result of the policy of “introduction of capitalism” by Chinese Stalinism to counter imperialism and to cover up the grave crisis and bankruptcy of the construction of socialism in one country. Naturally, the financial power of these huge corporations and the wealthy has penetrated into the Chinese Communist Party and is causing in its state apparatus widespread corruption, but the bourgeoisie can never reach or hold political power directly. It is the central and local CCP Stalinism that actually holds the huge bureaucratic apparatus and the apparatus of violence including the military and the security police that cover the entire country like a web. Secondly, the “China = imperialism” theory ignores and belittles the huge strategic problem in world revolution—overcoming of the Stalinist counter-revolution, the second revolution of overthrowing Stalinist state power. To say that Stalinism has become imperialism without causing any noise is purely superficial. Stalinism is a matter not to be treated in such a light way. Thirdly, the most crucial problem is that it includes the submission to imperialism, headed by the United States, to its xenophobic China threat theory and “China = Red imperialism” theory.

The Basic Relationship Between Imperialism and Stalinism

2) What is the relationship between imperialism and Stalinism in the first place? The second report of the 9th Congress clarified the basic relationship between imperialism and Stalinism as follows:

Stalinism betrayed the world revolution, essentially surrendered to imperialism, and made “building socialism in one country” the end itself. It allowed imperialism to basically prolong its life, continued to be under the pressure of this survived imperialism, intensified the contradictions of building socialism in one country = internal contradictions, and therefore intensify even more military confrontation with anti-people nature to imperialism for Stalinists’ own life extension.

In other words, Stalinism abandoned the world revolution and extended the life of the heart and core of imperialism, namely the United States, Europe, and Japan, thereby basically maintaining imperialism’s world domination, and therefore is constantly exposed to imperialism’s military and economic siege and its pressure. Stalinism abandoned the path of fundamentally overcoming the encirclement and pressure of imperialism by the international unity of the proletariat and oppressed peoples of the world and the victory of world revolution, and instead developed an anti-people military confrontation and foreign policy against imperialism that had nothing to do with proletarian internationalism. Imperialism, however, will never ease its encirclement and pressure until overthrow, defeat, of the Stalinist regime. In fact, intensification of USSR Stalinism’s contradictions of socialism in one country under the enormous military pressure of US imperialism resulted in it is “abrupt collapse.”
In this way, the basic relationship between imperialism and Stalinism is that Stalinism, which has abandoned the world revolution that would fundamentally overturn imperialism’s world domination, continues to be subjected to the military and war pressure of the encirclement and scheme of regime change by imperialism, which has basically been survived. It is by no means that the two systems, imperialism and Stalinism, are clashing on equal footing, with equal force.

National oppression and colonial rule

3) Having confirmed the above, it must be understood that this relationship between US imperialism/total imperialism and Chinese Stalinism exists on the foundation of the relationship between imperialism and (semi-) colonies /underdeveloped countries, and the relationship between oppressing countries/oppressing nations and oppressed countries/oppressed nations.
Imperialism of the UK, France, Russia, Germany, Japan, the US and other countries invaded and semi-colonized China for over a century since the latter half of the 19th century. Marx and Engels angrily denounced the brutality of Britain’s invasion of China and its colonial wars, which began in India in the mid-19th century, and fully defended the legitimacy of the fierce resistance of the Chinese people against it. Around the 20th century, imperialism further divided and semi-colonized China, and as they fought each other over its re-division, the Japanese, a latecomer imperialism, joined the war of division and re-division with the greatest ferocity. Japan plundered Taiwan and the Diaoyu Islands (Senkaku Islands) in the First Sino-Japanese War, seized interests in northeastern China and Korea in the Russo-Japanese War, and continued to invade China thereafter, creating a colonial state called “Manchukuo” in northeastern China with the aggressive war (the “Manchurian Incident”) that began with the Mukden Incident of September 18, 1931, and then launched an all-out aggressive war against China with the Marco Polo Bridge Incident of July 7, 1937. Eventually, Japan plunged into an imperialist war with US and British imperialism over domination of China and other part of Asia.
The Chinese people fought and won the indomitable Anti-Japan War of Resistance against the extremely brutal aggressive war, which lasted for 15 years. They also won the civil war against the Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang forces, which were supported by the US imperialists, and in October 1949, they achieved the victory of the Chinese Revolution. Even if it was distorted by the leadership of the Stalinist Mao Zedong and the Chinese Communist Party, the victory in the national liberation/revolutionary war that defeated imperialist aggression, colonial domination, and national oppression that lasted for more than a century has immortal significance in the history of the anti-imperialist national liberation struggle. This cannot be overemphasized. We must never forget that the foundation of the current relationship between imperialism and China is the historical relationship between imperialism and semi-colonies and backward countries, the relationship between oppressing peoples and oppressed peoples, and the imperialist aggression and the national liberation/revolutionary war against it, and this is the first issue that must be confirmed in regard to the relationship between imperialism and China (Chinese Stalinism).

(2) US imperialism separated Taiwan from mainland China and made it a military base state

4) Based on the above-mentioned basic relationship between imperialism and China, what must be made thoroughly clear is the obvious fact that it is US imperialism that separated Taiwan from mainland China and have forced that separation to this day.
Chiang Kai-shek and the Kuomintang forces, who were kicked off by the Chinese Revolution from their control, fled to Taiwan. But it was only a matter of time before the Chinese Communist Party and the People’s Liberation Army, which seized control over the entire Chinese mainland, to liberate Taiwan. The US imperialists, who supported Chiang Kai-shek, were also so dismayed by the extreme corruption of the Kuomintang and its military that in January 1950 the United States issued its Statement on Formosa that they would bar any US intervention even in case of mainland China’s attack against Taiwan.
However, the situation changed dramatically with the outbreak of the Korean War in June of the same year. Kim Il-sung of North Korea had initially followed the wishes of Stalin of the Soviet Union, betraying and ignoring the struggle of the workers and people for the national liberation of South Korea, i.e. revolutionary unification of Korea, and had become one of the promoters of the solidification of the division of Korea into North and South Korea. However, inspired by the victory of the Chinese revolution, he pushed forward with military adventurism for “armed unification.” Although both Stalin of the Soviet Union and Mao of China acknowledged this, they avoided direct participation in the war for fear of a clash with US imperialism. For Chinese Stalinism in particular, it was completely undesirable for them to be drawn into and participate in the Korean War less than a year after the revolution. However, in October 1950, the first year since the founding of the country, the North Korean army was driven back close to the Chinese border by the overwhelming military power of the US military, and Mao sent in more than one million “volunteer troops,” eventually bringing about a ceasefire near the 38th parallel. All that Chinese Stalinism wanted was to build a buffer zone that would guarantee the security of the border areas.
For Chinese Stalinism, the participation in the Korean War was a major blow to its domestic construction immediately after the revolution, but it overwhelmingly increased the domestic and international authority of “the leader Mao Zedong, who fought on equal terms with the US military” and “revolutionary China,” and the military and war tensions with US imperialism also became a decisive lever for strengthening Stalinist domestic control. On the other hand, through the Korean War, US imperialism once again viewed the Chinese revolution, Chinese Stalinism, as a regime to be thoroughly contained like the case with the Soviet Union, and ranked Taiwan as a military colony for this purpose. As soon as the Korean War began, the United States revoked their previous statement of non-interference, dispatched the US Navy’s Seventh Fleet to the Taiwan Strait to carry out a naval blockade, and began large-scale military and economic support for Chiang Kai-shek and the Kuomintang. Thus, faced with the overwhelming military power of the US military, the Chinese Stalinist People’s Liberation Army, which did not have naval power, was forced to give up on the imminent “liberation of Taiwan.” Taiwan was solidified as a de facto military colony and divided base state for US imperialism, and Chiang Kai-shek and the Kuomintang, backed by the US imperialists and the US military, called for the overthrow of the Chinese revolution and continued to oppress and dominate the Taiwanese people under an anti-communist military dictatorship.
Then, after the US defeat in the Vietnam War, Chinese Stalinism, exhausted and bankrupt due to the Cultural Revolution and the Sino-USSR conflict, colluded with US imperialism against the Soviet Union (Nixon visited China in 1972). After Mao’s death in 1976, under the new leadership of Deng Xiaoping, China embarked on a reform and opening-up course to introduce a market economy, and under this development, normalization of US-China relations was carried out in January 1979.
In the joint communiqué exchanged with China in December 1978, the United States “recognized” China’s position that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China as the sole legal Government of China.” in the “One China Principle.” However, regarding the parts of the “One China Principle” that “there is only one China in the world” and “the Chinese position that there is but one China and Taiwan is part of China.,” the U.S. did not use the word, “recognize” but the ambiguous expression “acknowledge” (meaning “the U.S. acknowledges that the Chinese government is making such claims”), and in effect, the U.S. has maintained the position that Taiwan is a separate entity from China. This is the US imperialists’ “One China Policy.”
Even after normalizing diplomatic relations with China, the U.S. has calmly framed the Taiwan Relations Act (April 1979), defined Taiwan as a “political entity,” and continues to provide weapons and various military support to this day, deploying US troops around Taiwan and sending in “military advisors” as if Taiwan were one of its own colonies. Imperialist countries, such as the U.S. and Japan, claim that maintaining this division between China and Taiwan observes the “rule of law,” but this means nothing more than continuing to enforce imperialist rule with military force in the name of “law” and “international order.” This clearly shows the balance of power between Chinese Stalinism and US imperialism.
As described above, US imperialism is trying to prevent the complete victory of the Chinese revolution—the national liberation/revolutionary war against the imperialist invasion, colonial rule, and national oppression, and the associated corrupt political power, anti-communist bourgeois nationalist Kuomintang government—by forcibly separating Taiwan from mainland China and turning it into an anti-communist military base state, treating Taiwan as their own sphere of influence, colony, and territory, and taking it away from China forever. This is what imperialist aggression really is.

(3) Do not allow a world war, a nuclear war, that involves Asia and the whole world.

The US imperialists’ war against China is nothing but an imperialist aggressive war, carried out with the following objectives.
First, the United States are aiming to permanently separate Taiwan from mainland China and keep it under the colonial rule of the US imperialists. Taiwan is now the largest base for semiconductor manufacturing, which is the foundation of the imperialist economy, and has become a cluster of advanced semiconductor manufacturing that is directly linked to military and war. US imperialism must risk their very lives to prevent Taiwan from being “stolen” by Chinese Stalinism.
Secondly, they prevent unification with Taiwan, which the Chinese Communist Party and Xi Jinping regime has declared to be a “core interest,” and thereby completely undermine the authority of the Xi Jinping regime and drive the Chinese Communist Party’s Stalinist regime itself to collapse.
Chinese Stalinism has grown rapidly over the past 30 years by absorbing imperialist capital and technology on a large scale, integrating with the imperialist world economy, and becoming the world’s factory. However, the growth period of the Stalinist system has come to a complete end, and the economic and social crisis has become more severe in conjunction with the crisis of imperialism. The backlash has been particularly severe, due to the rapid expansion caused by the massive stimulus measures, fiscal expansion, and real estate bubble after the 2008 depression. Moreover, as the foundations of the economy have been shaken to the core by the “zero Covid policy” and the collapse of the real estate bubble, economic and military pressure from imperialism, headed by US imperialism, has suddenly intensified. After the 2008 depression, imperialism, which had been surviving thanks to the expansion of the Chinese economy, has suddenly turned its back on China, with US imperialism at the forefront, and has targeted China’s excess production capacity for EVs and other products and cheap product exports, imposing various regulations and restrictions, such as export restrictions on high-performance semiconductors, on the grounds that they “threaten national security,” and reducing economic relations with China. This is a major blow to the Chinese economy. But it doesn’t merely affect the economy. The Trump administration’s blatant protectionism and trade war, including high tariffs, will undoubtedly promote the division, create economic blocs, and contraction of the world economy, and will undoubtedly cause further crises and explosion of contradictions within imperialism itself, but in the case of China, this will directly lead to the collapse of the political system known as the Stalinist regime.
Now, after its rapid growth and expansion, Chinese Stalinism is facing a historic crisis of decline as Stalinism, which can be said to be even greater than the great fall of US imperialism. The present situation of Chinese Stalinism demonstrates the reality in which its historical lifespan is running out, just like the eve of the collapse of the Soviet Union. After all, the development of Stalinist regime is determined by imperialism, and the eruption of the crisis of imperialism and that of the crisis of Stalinism will inevitably be intertwined. In this situation, the Stalinist Communist Party under Xi Jinping leadership, which has been promoting the “great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation” and “unification of mainland China and Taiwan” based on an economy that has developed into the world’s second largest economy after the United States, has no choice but to maintain its centripetal force by inciting nationalism, patriotism, and statism. What would happen if, in the midst of economic and social crises (rapid aging and decline in the working population, disparities and poverty worse than capitalism, poor social security, various crimes and incidents resulting from the economic crisis, and increasing social unrest), China was finally forced to abandon unification with Taiwan, which it has repeatedly said is its “core interest” and that it will “definitely achieve,” in the face of the military power of US imperialism? The authority of the Xi Jinping leadership and the Chinese Communist Party would be completely lost, and the dissatisfaction and anger of the working people toward the Chinese Stalinist regime, which has been suppressed since the June 4 Tiananmen Square incident in 1989, would inevitably explode. Furthermore, this could lead to a chain reaction of secession movements in Hong Kong, Tibet, the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, and other areas, and the Chinese Stalinist regime could suddenly enter a process of total collapse.
Well aware of this, the US imperialists have been providing military support to Taiwan, combined with “the biggest structural upgrades” in the Japan-US relation to an alliance for the aggressive war against China, and holding repeated large-scale military exercises. They talk about “deterring” a Chinese invasion of Taiwan, but this means nothing other than the US and Japanese imperialists using their military forces to make China abandon unification with Taiwan and completely seize Taiwan for the imperialist side. The US imperialists are very conscious that Chinese Stalinism’s acceptance of this would mean their regime’s demise. This is not “deterrence” at all.
The escalation of military activities by Chinese Stalinism around Taiwan and in the South China Sea is not a “hegemonic” or “imperialist” move by Chinese Stalinism. It is the same as the Soviet Union’s repeated military thrusts into Afghanistan, from the late 1970s to the 1980s, which finally ended in its sudden collapse. This is a desperate counter-measure by Chinese Stalinism, which is being driven to the brink by the domestic crisis (the bankruptcy of the strategic line of building socialism in one country, “Chinese style modernization”) and by the intensifying U.S. military pressure, looming their aggressive war against China to seize Taiwan. The attempts only offer pretext for the US imperialists to make China a prey of aggressive war.
How will the final overthrow of the Chinese Stalinist regime itself be carried out by the US imperialists? As Chinese Stalinism fears to death, it may move in the direction of drawing out the movements of various forces within China—separatist and independence movements in Hong Kong, Tibet, Xinjiang Uyghur, local governments, and bourgeois forces wishing for the complete restoration of capitalism—and creating a chaotic situation, intervening in an imperialist manner and dividing and redividing China under the leadership of the US imperialists. However, there is no point in making such a prediction now. Once US imperialism launches an aggressive war against China, a war of unprecedented scale breaks out in which US imperialism and Chinese Stalinism collide on an all-out scale, unless it transforms into an Anti-imperialist Anti-Stalinist World Revolution. Taiwan, China, Japan, and the whole of East Asia will not only turn into a hellish battlefield, but it will become a world war that will involve the whole world, and in the end, losing all restraints, it may even advance to a nuclear war that will destroy humanity. The aggressive war against China must be stopped at all costs BEFORE IT BEGINS.
To achieve this vital task, there is no other way than to carry out an Anti-Imperialist Anti-Stalinist World Revolution that will definitely overthrow imperialism and Stalinism. World history has completely reached such a critical stage. The struggle to open a decisive breakthrough in that world revolution is the anti-war struggle in Japan to prevent the aggressive war against China, which will be the very front line of the aggressive war against China, and it is the struggle of the overall line of “in solidarity with the fighting Chinese and Asian peoples, turn the US-Japan imperialist aggressive war against China into a civil war!”, which realize the July 7 Line today.

IV. Carry Through the Struggle on the Principle to Turn Aggression into a Civil War in Proletarian Solidarity to Crush the Ishiba administration and Overthrow Japanese Imperialism

(1) Japan-U.S. operation plan to turn the Ryukyu Arc into a battlefield and to militarily invade China

The greatest challenge of our decisive struggle in 2025 is to carry out our political line, “turn aggressive war into a civil war “, in a straightforward way and unleash a civil war like development of the anti-war struggle to stop the US-Japanese imperialist war of aggression against China.
The emergence of the second Trump administration in the U.S., staffed with China hardliners at the center of its team, will inevitably accelerate the drive and trend for a war against China, a global war. As Japan is positioned as the keystone of the war of aggression against China, we must now achieve the eruption of the anti-war struggle against this war, the anti-Security Treaty and Okinawa struggles.
Under the Japan-U.S. joint operation plan “to prepare for a possible Taiwan Contingency,“ the U.S. military intends to set up temporary bases along Japan’s southwestern Nansei Islands and the Philippines to deploy the U.S. Marine Littoral Regiment (MLR), which possesses the High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HYMARS) to prepare for Expeditionary Advanced Base Operations (EABO) to strike Chinese forces while moving between the islands and establishing positions. At the same time, the U.S. Army’s Multi-Domain Task Force (MDTF) missile unit will be deployed to the Philippines to conduct operations against China from two directions with a missile network along the first island chain. In the Philippines, the U.S. Army’s Typhon, ground-based intermediate-range missile system, which was brought in during the joint U.S.-Philippine exercises last April, continues to be deployed, ignoring strong protests from the Chinese government. The plan to turn the Nansei Islands into a theater of war, uses a sea-air battle to secure control of the seas, and launch an attack on the Chinese mainland by deploying the carrier strike group, the most powerful unit of the U.S. military, has reached the stage of formalization.
From the beginning of the 2025, we must rapidly expand the anti-war demonstrations to stop the war of aggression against China and overthrow the Japanese imperialists, the Ishiba administration. It is crucial to clash with the state power, break through the restrictions and repressions and launch a fierce struggle that will cause an uproar in the capital. We must fill the streets like the Korean workers, attack the Diet (National Parliament) and the government center and overthrow them by force.
The civil war-like development of the Korean class struggle, which violently crushed the counterrevolutionary coup under martial law, calls for a fundamental determination for uprising on the part of the Japanese working class. The real value of the international solidarity between Japanese and Korean workers that has been built since 2003 through the November rallies led by Doro-Chiba is now being tested. We are keenly aware that we are in the midst of a decisive battle for the success or failure of the East Asian revolution, and in solidarity with the fighting Korean workers, let us respond to the Korean struggle with an explosion of civil war to smash the Japan-U.S.-Korea military alliance and stop the war of aggression against China.

Critical moment in the struggle to stop constitutional revision
The offensive for constitutional revision has entered a full-fledged decisive phase. The Japanese imperialists have violently broken through one by one the postwar restrictions forced upon Japan, defeated imperialism: the Cabinet decision to allow the use of the right of collective self-defense, the enactment of the Security Treaty and War Legislations, the revision of the Three Security Documents, the massive military buildup, the possession of the capability to attack other countries, and the lifting of the ban on arms exports. However, they have not been able to overturn the class power relations defined by the postwar strong anti-war consciousness of the Japanese working people. The assault of constitutional revision is a coup-like attack to overthrow this relationship with a civil war from above, to suppress the class struggle and to establish a wartime shift of government. In particular, Ishiba wants to destroy Article 9 of the Constitution and clearly schemes to define the Self-Defense Forces as a “national army” and to recognize the right to war. Moreover, he is aiming to introduce an emergency clause to speed up the “national unity” for debate on constitutional revision involving the opposition parties. Now is the time to fight against the War Diet. From the opening day of the ordinary Diet session in January, let us wage the Diet struggle against the budget bill for a massive military buildup and organize explosive struggles to smash the constitutional revision.
The Japanese imperialists are planning to hold a big international arms fair in coming May in Makuhari, Chiba Prefecture. They want to expand the military force for the war of aggression against China and to strengthen the military industry as a “defense force “. This is the place to invite a large number of Israeli military companies to trade in weapons that were bloodied in the Gaza genocide. The Japanese imperialists complicit in and promote the genocide. In solidarity with the resolute struggle of the Palestinian people, let us smash the arms fair as a struggle to overthrow and stop the war of aggression against China.

(2) Unleash a huge Okinawa and anti-Anpo (Japan-US Security Treaty) struggles across the whole country
The U.S. and Japanese imperialism are pushing for a major transformation of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, the Japan-U.S. Alliance into an alliance for a war of aggression against China. To fight back this offensive, we must now take up the achievement of 1970 Okinawa struggle against the Security Treaty and create a great struggle that goes beyond it. Okinawa is facing a grave situation—the ongoing buildup of bases and war preparations in the context of the war of aggression against China, the intensification of military exercises and the military use of the entire land, accompanied by a sharp increase in incidents and accidents, including sexual violence by U.S. soldiers and SDF personnel. Let us organize our struggle, closely realizing these serious realities of Okinawa. What is important for us is to fight head-on to stop the war of aggression against China.
The resolute position of overcoming the bankruptcy of “All-Okinawa” coalition, which accepts the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty and the Self-Defense Forces, and of making clear the position of overthrowing imperialism, the main cause of the war, the deep-seated anger of the working people of Okinawa will be unleashed. Let us carry out the May 15 Struggle, the 53rd anniversary of the reversion of Okinawa, a decisive battle—Stop the War of Aggression against China! Remove all the bases! Crush the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty! Overthrow the Japanese imperialism!
Let us pave the way for the anti-war and anti-base struggles to develop into a nationwide struggle against the war in unison with the struggle in Okinawa. The installation of Tomahawk missiles on Aegis ships of the MSDF and the deployment of long-range missiles (upgrade of Type-12 surface-to-ship missiles to longer range) in Okinawa and Kyushu are targeted for FY2025. The construction of large ammunition depots at SDF bases nationwide is part of this scheme. Let us fight the anti-base struggle in the Tokyo metropolitan area, including Yokosuka, Yokota, Asaka, and Nerima, where command functions and operational bases are concentrated, and in Kyushu, which is positioned together with Okinawa as the front line in the war of aggression against China. We should fight against the Ministry of Defense, where the establishment of the Joint Operations Command of the SDF is planned by March 2025.
The transformation of the SDF into an invading army has led to rampant sexual violence and power harassment, the breakdown of internal discipline, and has driven the SDF personnel into serious contradictions. Let us strengthen the anti-military struggle to organize the JSDF soldiers—workers in uniform—to our ranks through the huge civil-war-like anti-base struggles.

Time for a decisive battle in both the Sanrizuka and the Fukushima Anti-Nuclear Struggles
The Sanrizuka Struggle, a milestone and the greatest stronghold of the antiwar struggle in Japan, is facing another decisive battle. The trial on the right to cultivate, which lasted 18 years at the Chiba District Court, concluded in September last year. Let us rally the people of Japan to defend and stop the confiscation of Mr. Takao Shito’s farmland in Minamidai, surround the court, and rush to the Sanrizuka site.
At present, 28 airports and ports, mainly in Kyushu and Shikoku, are designated as “Special Use Airports and Ports,” where runway extension and port development and expansion are being promoted for military use. The expansion of the functions of Narita Airport is an integral part of this attempts. Let us smash the New Narita Airport Plan, which aims to turn Narita Airport into a logistics hub by extending Runway B, constructing a third runway, and consolidating the cargo areas. Let us fight to deepen the worker-farmer alliance through a firm pledge with the Sanrizuka-Shibayama United League Against Narita Airport. Let us organize big Sanrizuka Struggle from January 12 New Year’s demonstration to the Right to Cultivate lawsuit, the Minamidai farmland struggle, and the March 30 Narita Rally.
The situation of the war of aggression, nuclear war, against China, 14 years after the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear accident, is pushing the March 11 Struggle into a major battle. The Japanese imperialists, the electric power capital and all the capitalists continue to arrogantly declare the “maximum utilization of nuclear power plants“. They push for the restart of nuclear power plants and the construction of new ones. We never allow this assault. Our determination to fight without reconciliation with the state and capital is the starting point of the March 11 struggle. Let us fight against restart of nuclear reactors, abolish all nuclear reactors, break the nuclear fuel cycle and stop nuclear armament as an anti-war, anti-nuclear struggle. Let us rally together for the March 11 Anti-Nuclear Fukushima Action 2025.
Through the above-mentioned struggles, let us fully develop our Grand March against Constitutional Revision and War as an all-people’s movement to stop the war of aggression against China and to overthrow the Japanese imperialism. Let us build anti-war demonstrations across the country into a central political struggle, broadening the movement, organizing activists and building bases of struggle in our communities. First and foremost, the Grand March Movement is a movement in which the youth and students are leading the way in a fierce and self-liberating struggle.

(3) Defending the struggles of the three labor unions, build the basis for struggles in all industries
As we have already recognized, the highest and best of the Japanese labor movement is concentrated in the movement of November Workers’ Rally and its initial organizers of three labor unions, showing the genuine class character and revolutionary nature of the working class. Let us do our utmost to smash the attacks of the Japanese imperialist power and capital against the three labor unions and together with them, pave the way for the great development of the movement of November Workers’ Rally.
The biggest postwar crackdown on Kan-Nama, which came as a part of the attack of the constitutional revision and drive for war by the Japanese imperialists, is now under way with the demand of unprecedented heavy sentence of 10 years imprisonment for the “Three Kyoto Incidents” against Yuji Yukawa, the president of the Kan-Nama. Let us resolutely confront the February 26 sentencing with anger from all over Japan.
The year-long fierce organizational offensive and defensive battle of the Shoichi Metal Branch of Minato-Godo around the dismissal of union leaders and union busting by using the Civil Rehabilitation Law, has forced the sponsoring company, Nasu Electric Steel Works, to withdraw from the battle. This was due to the determination of the union executive committee and the strength of the united struggle that developed in the Kansai region and throughout Japan. Let us consolidate this first victory and win the second round of the struggle to reverse the firing.
Doro-Chiba is fighting head-on against JR Capital, which is taking the lead in promoting the wartime attack to dismantle labor unions and create a “society without labor unions“. The study group on Labor Standards Related Legislation of the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare is also trying to introduce a proposal that would allow the non-union majority representatives of employees with an aim to revise the work rules and approve working conditions that fall below the Labor Standards Act. Let us fight together with Doro-Chiba, which is fighting back against this attack by expanding its organization, and rise up from all workplaces for victory in the 2025 Spring Struggle. Never allow the reactionary ruling of the first instance on November 13 last year and expand our signature campaign to the High Court to win the appeal against the dismissal of 1,047 JNR workers.
The social basis in all areas, including education (schools), medical care, nursing care and infrastructure, is facing a major collapse, represented by the “closure of unprofitable lines“ of JR. Imperialism is no longer able to build a viable society and is pushing for a major national transformation that will mobilize social resources with the military utilization as the top priority, while cutting everything else. The stern reality of the working class—low wages, impoverishment, poor living conditions and casualization— has become extreme, and the wave of anger is vigorously mounting.
The emergence of a class struggle labor movement is desperately needed to unleash anger against war and poverty and to organize fights for the overthrow of imperialism. This year’s Spring Labor Offensive is anticipated to be an occasion for Japanese Trade Union Confederation (Rengo) to become even more closely unified with the government and the Keidanren (Japan Business Federation) than last year, and to make “wage hikes“ a central plank of its strategy, which is based on the booming military industry. Let us make a powerful uprising to overthrow Rengo’s domination, which is pushing forward with the transformation into Sangyo-Houkokukai (Industrial Patriotic Association), with the militant leadership of the four major industrial federations of local governments, education, postal service, and JR, together with the medical and welfare sectors. On the basis of the challenge of last year’s more than 30 waves of strikes, let us fight the anti-war struggle even more thoroughly, appeal to the workers in a precise way, make workers break away from the Rengo leadership at the workplace and at the point of production, and organize a total uprising. Let us develop the movement for the National Coordination Center of Labor Unions (NCCLU), spearheaded by the three labor unions, and organize NCCLU activists as a layer of cadres.

(4) Defeat the wartime discrimination and divisive attacks and work together for the overthrow of the Japanese imperialism

Under the banner of “Turn Aggression into a Civil War in Proletarian Solidarity,” let us further intensify the struggle against the imperialist oppression of the peoples.
Last year, the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act has been revised. It has changed for worse to deprive people of permanent residence, and to attack to eliminate the existence of Koreans and Chinese people living in Japan in the context of the war of aggression against China. The xenophobic attacks against the Kurdish people are also intensifying. On the one hand, the government is trying to use them as low-wage workers through a training and employment system based on the technical internship system, and on the other hand, it is rejecting refugee applications from foreigners who have stayed in Japan, locking them up in internment camps and forcibly deporting them. Such a diabolical immigration system cannot be allowed to continue. Let us strengthen the struggle against the immigration control by strengthening of the Anti-Immigration Control Struggle Organizing Committee, and organize solidarity and joint struggle with foreign residents and foreigners in Japan.
Let us strengthen solidarity with the Myanmar people’s struggle, which is driving the dictatorial army to a critical situation through armed struggle, and let us fight to overthrow the Japanese imperialist government and capital that support the dictatorial army of Myanmar. We continue fighting together with the Burmese Citizens Union in Japan, on the basis of a joint struggle built up around the November rally.

Advance the Revolutionary Struggle for women’s liberation
While discrimination, oppression, assaults and sexual violence against women have reached to an extreme degree in wartime situation, including assaults by U.S. soldiers in Okinawa, attempts are being made of women’s inclusion in the ruling system of imperialism and mobilization for war in the name of “woman’s empowerment”. Let us confront these trends and make strong advance in the revolutionary women’s liberation struggle. Starting with last year’s anti-war women’s rally and demonstration on December 1, students, youth and women are now leading the anti-war struggle in a militant way throughout Japan, and in this struggle women are powerfully winning the “Reclaiming Politics and Violence”*. Let us develop this achievement, organize the women’s anger now swirling in society, and fight for International Women’s Day on March 8 throughout the country.
* “Reclaiming Politics and Violence” is not just a call for women to “fight arm-in-arm militantly like male students” or to be able to resist discrimination. It is a line of action that aims at the universal emancipation of humanity by recovering the power that women have been deprived of in the history of humanity, under the intense consciousness of the entire movement in the course of its struggle. It is a line that will force the entire organization, movement and class to change and leap forward, transcending gender and generation, to support women’s determination in the face of real difficulties (ref. translated from the web site of Zengakuren: https://note.com/zengakuren/n/n4450e9f4f0fd )
We should further strengthen the Organizing Committee for Women’s Liberation. And through the establishment of a course on the struggle for women’s liberation and constant daily practice, let us resolutely push forward the building of a ’female leadership that will be the foundation of the Party at the central and district levels.

Fight for victory in the Sayama retrial
Let us keep fighting on the wartime Buraku** liberation struggle, especially the Sayama retrial***, as a class struggle against the Japanese imperialist state power. Mr. Kazuo Ishikawa’s anger at the state power crime of framing him as a murderer because he was a Burakumin and his unyielding and uncompromising struggle is the roots of the development of the Sayama struggle as a class struggle. We should organize Buraku liberation struggle that absolutely opposes the war and breaks the capitulation of the Buraku Liberation League Headquarters faction, which avoids a non-conciliatory confrontation with imperialism and degrade the core of struggle to the bourgeois-like human rights issues. Let us confront the Tokyo High Court’s dismissal of the retrial and achieve an absolute victory in the Sayama retrial.
** Buraku people (=Burakumin) are a Japanese social minority group, ethnically and linguistically indistinguishable from other Japanese people.
*** It has been 45 years since the occurrence of the Sayama Case in which Mr. Kazuo Ishikawa was falsely convicted for the murder of a high school student. On February 7, 2008, about 200 people gathered at a rally in Tokyo to demand a retrial and denounce the prosecutor for not disclosing evidence. The prosecutor has stubbornly refused to disclose the evidence upon which they based their case against Mr. Ishikawa. Even today, 45 years later, mistaken arrests and false charges continue to occur
Let us thoroughly intensify our struggle against discrimination, oppression and division, which have intensified under wartime conditions, including the struggle for the liberation of the disabled.

Strengthen the Anti-Oppression Struggle
We absolutely reject the fictitious and reactionary 20-year prison sentence of the first instance against Comrade Masaaki Osaka. We must win the fight in the appeal court. Let us spread anger among all the people against the state power that sentenced Masaaki Osaka to a heavy prison term on the basis of a false affidavit fabricated more than half a century ago without any physical evidence. We should create a great movement to regain Osaka. Let us put all the groundwork of the Hoshino struggle into the struggle to retake Comrade Osaka. Let us fight to defend and take back Comrade Taketoshi Suga, who is fighting against the suppression based on the framed-up charge of bombing of the State Guest House, Akasaka Palace, and Yokota Air Base of U.S. air force.
The revolutionary uprising of the Lawyers’ Front is crucial. It is necessary to create a group of lawyers who will fight against the state power in a principled and irreconcilable way. The foundation that has been laid to fight in principle against the attack on judicial reform, which is a shift to a wartime judiciary, is the power to win the class offensive in wartime. Continuing from the lawyers’ anti-war demonstration last year, let us confront the diabolical judiciary from the standpoint of the working class and let the Lawyers’ Front rise to the forefront of the anti-war struggle.

Toward the great development of the Zengakuren movement
The Zengakuren, All-Japan Federation of Students’ Autonomous Body, has established a new-generation leadership structure under President Hiro Yajima at its national convention last September. It has taken the lead in the anti-war struggle to stop the war of aggression against China, created a mass centripetal force and expanded its ranks through its development as a struggle for power. The emergence of the huge Zengakuren movement has the tremendous potential to revolutionarily shake up the class struggle in Japan. Together with Zengakuren, let us make every effort to organize students also in party district organizations throughout the country. Confront the attack on transforming universities into war-time universities controlled by the state and capital, and establish Zengakuren bases at universities throughout the country, with Kyoto University in the forefront.

V. Win the civil war in the wartime, and establish a full scale revolutionary party!
In 2024, we fought out historic struggles, with November 3 Rally on the top of it, to leap forward for our party. As a result, we reaffirmed enormous significance of JRCL’s existence as an unyielding revolutionary party in this wartime and the serious historical mission which rests on our shoulders.
“In face of impending world war, here is a militant party, calling ‘Turn the Japanese imperialist aggressive war against China into a civil war, in solidarity with fighting Chinese, and other Asian peoples’, ‘Under the banner of Anti-Imperialist Anti-Stalinist World Revolution, workers of the world, unite!’ This is the very actuality of the revolution”. (reprinted in What is ‘Anti-Imperialism Anti-Stalinism’? p.48, Zenshinsha, 2024),
It is, therefore, an urgent task to construct JRCL seriously as the revolutionary workers’ party.

(1)

The most critical issue on the organizing of November 3 Rally was the way how to bring our party’s understanding of current era and political line into the working-class people and to turn into actual movement, which was fundamentally established in 9th JRCL Congress and 33rd GA of the National Committee.
It has been required to tirelessly bring the appeal “Stop aggressive war on China!” in working class and people, and organize concrete actions, in full-scale confrontation with the big chauvinist campaign for “defense of homeland,” promoted by Rengo officers, Japanese Communist Party, etc.
The late Comrade Nobuyoshi Honda, the founder and former general secretary of JRCL, emphasized that the “unique role” of revolutionary party lay only in these struggles in the article that laid the platform of JRCL, titled Succession of Leninism or Destruction of it, criticizing counterrevolutionary Kakumaru faction’s theory of economist party organization.
“Firstly, we must clear the problem of revolutionary theory which distinguishes revolutionary movement from mass movement, on the premise. On the base of its theory, the party’s unique role is systematically bringing the theory of revolutionary struggle into mass movement; Kakumaru, however, constructed its theory on the reversed relationship.
That is to say, on the Lenin’s theory of political party organization, it is emphasized to bring revolutionary theory and revolutionary struggle on the base of it, to the proletarian class-struggle. But on the Kakumaru’s theory of economist party organization, it is emphasized not to bring revolutionary theory and revolutionary struggle on the base of it to mass movement, until revolutionary situation comes”. (Ibid., pp. 322-323)
By strictly played the “party’s original role” based on Lenin’s theory of political party organization, we have achieved the struggle in 2024 with the historical success of November 3 Rally as its peak.
What is important for our struggle is, in the first place, reproduction of constant unity between the central committee and the cells, and based on it, the decision of the concrete course of action in the cells, bringing these things in labor unions and on every workplace and going forward always with the examining the achievement and challenges.
If discussion and decision in cells is left unclear or ambiguous, we cannot successfully achieve these “bringing in” and fighting in workplaces.
This is just the key thing to struggle for uniting of the party, constantly and consciously, for overcoming the difficulty in workplaces especially in the war-time.
It is decisive to build up unity in the district party, organizing constantly cells’ firm consistency of these understanding of current era and political line, and to construct the worker leaders as its core.

(2)

The party, as the political rallying body of communists, must consciously separate from the current state of consciousness and conditions of working-class. who is under the influence of existing political organizations, imperialist organs, Rengo, pro-imperialist labor movement social democrats and Stalinism, and also from the individual interests based on workplaces or industrial sectors. Therefore, we must organize ourselves as an independent body of revolution (the party of Marxism and a party, representing the general interest of working-class).
Further on this base, we constantly bring the understanding of current era and political line toward reuniting of party with working class and people, pave the way forward current class-struggle, and construct, closely combined with this effort, revolutionary party which deeply rooted in working class and people through establishing party’s own relationship between leading committees and party’s cells.
As is emphasized by Lenin in his Left-Wing Communism, “the Party will not merit the name until it learns to weld the leaders into one indivisible whole with the class and the masses.”
Needless to say, this process will be accompanied with fierce political contention between parties, and will be verified and trained by class and people through revolutionary party’s class-struggle, concrete practices.
We must unambiguously recognize that without being trained and tested by party’s construction through this vivid dialectic mutual relationship between the party and the class, or the mass, there is no full-scale expansion of class-struggle labor movement, and no civil war like development of the war-time class struggle.
Originally, class-struggle labor movement is, as is emphasized by Comrade Nakano, ex-president of Doro-Chiba, in his book Labor Unions Revive (new edition), the movement for abolition of class-antagonism and full-emancipation of working class, based on the exact understanding of irreconcilability of class antagonisms between the capitalist class and the working class. And so, it is needed to clarify that “workers cannot be happy, without overthrowing capitalist state power by their own power, seizing power, and constructing the society of working class”, “labor movement becomes a part of revolutionary movement.”
As is emphasized in this book, constructing “the workers’ party completely basing on workers themselves” is a part of class-struggle labor movement (essentially the struggle for workers’ self-emancipation) without exception.

(3)

In the wartime we will win civil war like development of class-struggle labor movement, and strengthen its bases and construct strong revolutionary party. The biggest weapon to fight out this task is our organ paper Zenshin (Forward).
First of all, we call on to put Zenshin on the center of the cell’s regular meeting, and make special effort to establish and re-establish agreement and unanimity on the cells’ understanding of current era and political line as the most important thing.
And we must put the activity for our organ paper on assignment of all our organizations without exception. We will produce weekly Zenshin in collaborative struggle with party’s leading body, Editorial Bureau, Printing Bureau, Management Bureau and district parties together with readers. Let’s collectively raise up its quality!
We should be engaged in the activity for wide network of organ paper as the core task of the district party organizations, and so let’s build the network of readers with planning and consciousness!
The Zenshin is now required more than ever, to be read by the working class and people. The success depends upon the party members’ consciousness about organ paper activity.
Moreover, Comrade Osaka’s second instance struggle and August 6 incident’s struggle against indictment under the Act on Punishment for Physical Violence and Others by the state power, should be strengthen. So, we must surely construct the party for struggling and winning against the state power and counterrevolutionaries.
Shortly after the October 8 Haneda Airport Struggle in 1967 which opened the way for the decisive struggle in1970 of the anti-U. S. -Japan Security Alliance and Okinawa, Comrade Honda described in his article Ordeal for Victory posted on Zenshin’s new year issue in 1968, “The intensification of imperialist reaction, oppression and surveillance against the revolutionary communist movement are the very expression of indelible fear against the actuality of the revolution”. He appealed that our party had to take a leap with fortitude toward the vanguard force which can win in fierce fighting against the state power.
Let’s get this spirit of our own!
Let’s expand further the fighting rank of Marxist Youth Workers League and the Marxist Students’ League, which have recently been joined by many new friends, and construct JRCL as a revolutionary party of fighting youth and students in this year!